(博讯北京时间2016年1月25日 首发 - 支持此文作者/记者)
我前文： “愿为维权律师和瑞典人彼得达林顶罪”曾提到我猜想彼得所在Chinese Urgent Action Working Group
(或 China Action)
I here just want to clarify, as heard from people who worked with
CUAWG (Or China Action), that there is no working partnership between
Fengrui and CUAWG (or China Action). I here want to apologize for my
pure assumption and guess. My earlier article, which was published on
Boxun.com and appeared on 08charterBBS and hrcchina.org , has made it
clear that the partnership tween them was my “guess”.
Quote from the earlier article: “I guess that, not knowing the
details, through lawyer Wang's working partnership, the group was able
to partner with Fengrui law firm lawyers and many other lawyers. Such
a partnership of course is very valuable for human rights activism. ”
Also as I mentioned in my last article, after I settled down in
Ottawa, I had no contact with the group and the people involved with
Chinese judiciary and the government should not use anything I wrote
as evidence against the rights defense lawyers for any charges or
punitive actions. I here particularly want to apologize to the Fengrui
我在2003年底回国至2009年出国期间，在国内参与了各类人权活动。尤其是创办了仁之泉工作室，英文名是Empowerment andRights Institute。一次在国外开国际会议的时候看到各国充满热情和能量的人权义工，突发奇想，是否可以招聘外国义工到中国来做人权呢？2004年我简单地在Idealist.org这个专门为NGO提供服务的网站张贴了一份招聘义工广告。令人惊讶地收到了大量热情的回复。因为是做义工，大多数回复的人都是大学刚毕业的青年学生，世界各国的人都有，以美国人最多。从此我在北京石油大院里面的小小办公室就成了中外人士和访民经常聚集的场所了。彼得Peter也是最早回复这个义工帖子的人之一。因为义工的请求不少，所以我简单地提了几个人权的问题，类似于一个笔试，所有回复者中Peter的回复最为深思熟虑。2004年他才24岁。因为我向美国民主基金会申请的经费得到了批准，所以在2005年终于有了第一笔机构运作经费。我们主要关注的访民、农民和征地拆迁等冤案。仁之泉的建立和运作绝对不是外国人干预的结果。最早的参与者还包括牛玉昌（已亡故），赵岩等热衷于推动保障农民权益的人士。高智晟和郭飞雄都曾鼎力相助过。外国年轻志愿者都是抱着热情来的，是我们中国人主动邀请来的。结识王全璋律师也是在2005年前后。与王全璋律师第一次合作是他帮助到江苏赣榆做农民侵权问题的调查。仁之泉活跃的时间主要在2004年到2006年。好景不长很快受到打压。义工李玉海在2005年七月遭到十多天惨无人道的酷刑。同事赵昕2005年10月去旅游时受到野蛮殴打造成重伤。办公室和我个人都遭到多次强迫搬迁居无定所。幸好还有些外国义工。早期的义工有美国人Adam,Scott, Chris, Katy等人。Adam和Scott都遭到过短期关押并因此接受外媒采访。而Chris因为采访和报告高智晟律师发起的绝食活动，在离京时据说让武警用手枪指着头威吓，造成他之后长期心理伤害（trauma）。
因为山东的村民选举的活动搞得比较好，所以我们经常去山东。也因此结识了王全璋律师。王全璋那时也还没有30岁。全璋是个十分淳朴的山东汉子，做事总是替人着想，不温不火，是属于典型的儒家忠孝仁义为怀的人。我在2008年因参与人权圣火活动遭当局秘密关押18天。释放后东躲西藏。后因私情而怀孕。因为已经38岁了很想要孩子所以就联络出国，最终由朋友协助得以在加拿大渥太华大学教授中国人权课程，后在此地定居。出国之前和王全璋，还有彼得、麦克（MichaelCaster）以及其他几个义工商量，请他们延续人权工作。王全璋联络朋友在香港注册了一个机构。此时彼得和麦克给这个机构重新起了个名字，也征求我的意见，我说参照联合国人权工作组的说法，所以就叫做ChineseUrgent Action Working Group（维权紧急援助组）,之后简称为China Action（中国行动）。
Phone: (+1)6136017219 Email: [email protected] The above twocontacts are very heavily spied upon and hacked by you know who -so,sometimes it is very hard to reach me.上述电话和邮件经常受到有关部门骚扰也许难以找到我。也可以试试下面的。
Alternatively, you can reach my friend Gerry: phone 6133144291. email:[email protected] Even his phones and emails may not work.
My Open Apology to Peter Dahlin, Wang Quanzhang, Michael Caster
(from EARI, Wenzhuo Hou, Maggie)
I was shocked to learn that Peter Dahlin was arrested and forced toapologize 。 on CCTV. I know Peter has long had health problems. Icould not imagine what type of pressure was put on him to force him toapologize. I believe such type of humiliation and mental torture didnot bring shame to Peter and the organization that he works, rather,it only further proves to the world how shameless the Chinesegovernment is and how utterly lawless the situation in China hasbecome.
CCTV has blamed Peter and the organization as foreign forces “planted”to sabotage China's state power. Here I would like to explain howPeter got involved in the human rights activities in China (there aremore details in the above Chinese version). Also, I here want toopenly apologize to Peter Dahlin, Wang Quanzhang and Michael Caster.In the extremely harsh situation and increasingly risky scenario, theyhave persevered to do the courageous human rights activities, and Ihere, belatedly, offer my most sincere respect and tribute.
I started a human rights initiative back in 2004, called “Empowermentand Rights Institute”. Seeing how much the energy and warmth of youngpeople can bring to the human rights movement in various countries, Ithought of inviting foreign volunteers to China. I posted someadvertisement to look for volunteers on Idealist.org. There were acouple of dozens of enthusiastic replies. Pretty soon, I had quite afew volunteers working with me in Beijing. EARI got supportinitiatially from National Endowment for Democracy, which only lastedone year in 2005. The earlier volunteers we had include Adam, Scott,Chris, Katy etc. Peter Dahlin was among the first ones who wrote to meand replied very thoughtfully about my questions, but he did not cometo Beijing until 2007.
EARI was mostly active between 2004 and 2006. There were tremendouspressure on us. Our member Li Yuhai was kidnapped by the police andsuffered from horrible torture for 17 days. Another member Zhao Xinwas attacked in October, 2005. Our office was raided and I was evictedmany times by landlords pressured by police. In 2007, I wrote andinvited Peter Dahlin to take responsibility, and I personally want toleave to Tibet where I worked on a charitable educational project forlocal street kids in Dawu, Golog. Peter came to Beijing in 2007.Michael Caster also joined the group later. There was no payment forany foreign volunteers and they had to look for various jobs tosurvive such as teaching English in Beijing. Lawyer Wang Quanzhanglater was involved in the group, particularly thanks to his knowledgeof law, experience in rural land rights, and dedication to the humanrights causes.
In 2008, I was arrested and secretly held in an unknown location byChinese police for being involved in the “human rights torch”initiative, released after 18 days. A few months later I becamepregnant and decided it is time to leave China. Before I left Chinaand eventually settled down in Ottawa, Canada (where I taught HumanRights and Political Conflict in China at Ottawa University for oneyear), I discussed many times with Peter, Michael, and Wang Quanzhanghow to carry on the human rights activities. Before I left, we havechosen to rename the group as “Chinese Urgent Action Working Group”,later called “China Action”. Through lawyer Wang Quanzhang, the groupwas registered in Hong Kong.
I have not been very much involved after I settled down in Ottawa. Iwant to apologize to the three people above and any other people whoare concerned here. It was primarily my arrogance and egoisticthinking that become a barrier for communication. I was a singlemother with a new born baby. Even in Ottawa, increasingly I noticedintensive spying on both my online, telephone activities, and evenspying and intrusion into my home and personal sphere. Still, allthose could not excuse myself from not helping out. As there were,even though limitedly, I could do something to support the people inBeijing. Lawyer Wang Quanzhang become a lawyer at the Fengrui lawfirm, which was the primary target of mass arrest of lawyers in July2015.
Lawyer Wang, Peter and also Michael persevered and their work has beengreatly successful despite all the odds, risks and extremely difficultpolitical environment. In fact lawyer Wang Quanzhang had anticipatedhis arrest and wrote a letter to his parents ahead of time to beannounced to them after he was arrested. I believe Peter also knewwell the risks of working human rights in China. Peter has an amazingdedication and stubbornness to do what is right. Michael alsopersisted with the group wholeheartedly. I guess that, not knowing thedetails, through lawyer Wang's working partnership, the group was ableto partner with Fengrui law firm lawyers and many other lawyers. Sucha partnership of course is very valuable for human rights activism.The growing social dissent and increasing demand for protection ofhuman rights among other legal rights have attracted ever more lawyersto become rights defence lawyers.
If Wang Quanzhang, Peter were guilty, of course I would be guilty too.The only thing I regret now is that I did not help more. I regret thatI have not tried hard to overcome my communication barrier. I regretthat I have not seen more clearly how arrogant and self absorbed I hadbecome. I regret that I did not give them more support when thepolitical atmosphere still has a bit room to do so. Seeing thesuffering of my friends makes my heart bleed.
Currently my involvement in human rights activism is limited. Also, ithas happened to me, particularly even more severely than before, lastseveral months, that my phone, email and other communications weresabotaged and even blocked. Even though I'm in Canada, I could noteven receive phone calls or got emails from certain people or check mytwitter or facebook accounts. Having become a more devout Buddhist, Ibelieve Buddhism gives hope to the future. I pray everyday throughBuddhism means for the freedom and peace of my friends, for all thehuman rights lawyers, all the dissidents in China. I believe, with myBuddhistic practices (explained in Chinese in details) will be amongthe benevolent power that can help my friends gain back their freedomand help China become a better place.
My contact information:
Phone: (+1)6136017219 Email: [email protected] The above twocontacts are very heavily spied upon and hacked by you know who -so,sometimes it is very hard to reach me.上述电话和邮件经常受到有关部门骚扰也许难以找到我。也可以试试下面的。
Alternatively, you can reach my friend Gerry: phone 6133144291. email:[email protected] Even his phones and emails may not work.
The following I choose to open to the public two documents that Idrafted. Everything I wrote, or discussed with anyone is completelyaccessed or hacked upon by the various Chinese spies around me.Several times, they even entered my home. Since the Chinese governmentknow everything about me but not people who share my values, here, Ithink to be fair, I choose to show to the public about what I thinkand did. I did not get any reply about these two documents aftersending to the relevant centres.
Title: Mission Guardian Fleet: strategically targeted,well-coordinated, IT supported and multi-location Intervention Centresact as effective and powerful agents of change for China's turbulentpolitical transition
Last couple of years we see a large number of activists, lawyers,journalists and netizens imprisoned in China, this proposal offers apractical plan of action to alter the trend of the government masspersecution and to reduce the human sacrifice in China's politicaltransition, and to regain the space for civil society, and to help therights defence movement be sustainable. To achieve this, we think itis high time we make systematic and structured use of theenthusiastic, dedicated but often underestimated overseas activists.This SOI suggests we establish four overseas intervention centres.Instead of earlier dissidents' effort focus on foreign policy, thesecentres would actively plan and carry out strategically targeteddirect interventions in significant regions/locations and in varioussocial political, legal areas of broad concern.
Teams in these intervention centres are capable to carry out quick,concerted advocacy campaigns across countries, thus help rescue localleaders and HRDs. They will carry out direct dialogue, and pressureauthorities to prevent them from power abuse. They will directlyengage thousands of activists, citizens, authorities, andpolicy-makers, and quickly respond to issues of great public concern.Naturally they will always work with local partners, and significantlyreduce dangers of local partners. They will complement and sustain theefforts of local activists, also complement existing foreign NGOswhose focus is on foreign /international policy.
While local activists act like ground troops, a targeted wellcoordinated overseas intervention mission is like air force. Whilelocal activism has been greatly outpowered by recently unprecedentedcracking-down, our objective is to have the precision, the grand viewof air force along with sustainable and tailored campaigns. Throughestablishing teams capable to carry out long term, persistent, wellstructured, effective, large scale intervention coordinated byexpertised expatriates, we would have powerful enabling force to helplocal activism to carry on and prevent government further destructionof civil society or intrusion into people's rights.
We will focus efforts on these areas: crisis intervention, includingmass human rights violations, large scale disasters when people demandgovernmental accountability; large scale public concerned events, whenpeople take collective actions; and when major policy/laws affectingpublic interest can be challenged.
A. Establish four intervention centres (or international advocacy base)
They will be in New York, California, Ottawa and Vancouver. Each onewill have IT support, in total about 70 people including some fulltime, part time staff and many volunteers.
These intervention centres has following characteristics: 1) likecommercial Call Centres which offer tailored and precise targetedmessage and affect audience directly; 2) immediate quick action teamto stop violations, rescue HRDs and grassroots leaders; to addressissues of mass public concerns; 3) highly coordinated collectiveaction 4) can almost act like domestic NGOs other than meeting face toface 5) public policy discussion and engagement : our professional andlegal team will work on legal/policy docs; 6) versatile, have bothbird view and in-depth close view; help ensure continuation andsustainability of activism; 7) can act in any location in China.
B. Training, brainstorm, planning and coordination (strategic and technical)
A group preparatory training and strategy discussion meeting isnecessary at the beginning, maybe 2-4 weeks. Participants will carryout in-depth discussion to figure out thematic, geographical areas offocus and best strategies. Other orgs, like Frontline defenders,CHRDnet, HRIC, HRW and communication experts will be invited to givetraining. IT support team will be invited to guide the team on secureand reliable means of multi-location coordination.
C. Direct action: intervention, prevention, engagement & education(dialogue and communication); legal and policy papers;
Thematic areas: the expertised activists will divide their leadershiproles in the following areas and establish working agendas as thesituation demands: rule of law and rescue of human rights defenders ;Christianity and advocacy for persecuted Christians ; children andwomen rights, WHRD ; freedom of expression and media ; publicparticipation and election ; labour rights ; land, housing,petitioners . This list is adjustable.
Team members will use all means of communications to convey ourmessage. Each week, the thematic/geographic leaders will post severalcases for to focus on. For this purpose, database (see below) will beset up simultaneously. We estimate the group as a whole each monthwill have over 1500 direct phone calls, 2000 direct informationsharing, even more social media interactions, hundreds of directcommunications with authorities and police. Each month the group as awhole would have intervened in dozens of cases.
D. Databases and cloud to enable precise, focused and long-termengagement: We will partner or contract with IT companies to havedatabases set up including: databases of activists, HRDs, lawyers,NGOs and other crucial agents of change for China; databases of lawenforcement officials, policymakers and government decision-makers;databases of population, events and localities which are of strategicvalue. They will include contact info like phone, WeChat, QQ, skype,fax etc. These databases will add precision and focus for ourintervention campaigns.
E. Recording, sharing through social media, encouraging publicdiscussions on policy and reporting: The direct engagement withactivists, citizens, authorities and policymakers will be selectivelyrecorded and published (with caution). Frequent reviews,recommendations, bad and good practices will be discussed in order toimprove.
We anticipate that through such a well planned and coordinatedmulti-location intervention centres model, through hundreds ofthousands of direct exchanges with concerned parties and governmentalagencies, we will greatly reduce and limit the impact of mass humanrights arrest, offer quick immediate effective rescue to hundreds orthousands of HRDs/WHRDs, also the regular communication with lawenforcement authorities would bring behaviour and policy changes, holdauthorities accountable for their words/actions, and will have adatabase and cloud that will be beneficial for long term use. Lessonslearned and experiences will be shared to improve future practices.After several years of functioning, we anticipate these interventioncentres will have long lasting impact on China's change.
What US and western governments could and should do to counter China'ssystematic anti-democracy strategies (aka: United Front)particularly among overseas Chinese? Why supporting the overseasChinese pro democracy groups strategically and systematically wouldgreatly benefit both US and China? and How?
My research argues (through studying past 30 years of history), thatChinese immigrants from PRC are the key leverage/agents of change.China recognized that, and manipulated them through "United Front" tomake them loyal and obedient to the repressive regime while, US andother western countries did not fully recognize that and did not comeup with serious strategical efforts to counter China's aggressive"United Front" campaigns, as a result, fall short of strategies andresources to help China transform to a democratic country. I willexamine how China used its United Front and where US failed and I willidentify and offer practical policy recommendations about how tochange the situation.
The Chinese immigrants who live in US are physically in US, but theirmind still dominated by the communist party. What if they choose tosupport democracy? Why haven't they? How China's overseas policy, suchas "United Front" affected the lack of Chinese emigrants' involvementin China's democratic transition? I hope to compare policies of US(and other countries) towards Chinese immigrants versus China'spolitical weapons of controlling, manipulating, manoeuvring overseasChinese population, eg "United Front". How and why Chinese activistsare marginalized and ignored in mainstream American policies towardChina -why such an approach has made US leverage against Chinareduced? What US did or not that make Chinese immigrants loyal to arepressive communistic regime? Other than efforts to build up civilsociety in China, what other policy cards US can play to help Chinamoving closer to democracy?
Diaspora and emigrants has often contributed to the transition todemocracy for some countries, for example, in some East Europeanstates, like Romania, Czech, also Asian countries, like Philipine andTaiwan. The emigrants' contribution towards democratization and thelack of it is a very complex process. Historically, US has had pastsuccess in planting seeds of democracy and successfully helped changethe political regime of China in Qing dynasty. Dr Sun Yat-Sen, aChristian grown up in US, played a leading role in Xinhai revolutionin 1911 in changing China towards a more democratic country. He wasthe key founding father of Republic of China, which had functioningparliament, freedom of expression and modern universities till theJapanese invasion.
First part: China's United Front and the lack of US counter-measures;How China stifled overseas Chinese pursuit and understanding ofdemocracy?
Comparing the moves of Chinese governments vs US/Canadian governmentsmove, regrettably, I would say, US and Canada made many strategicerrors that emboldened Chinese governments to grow stronger, morepowerful and a much harder adversary to deal with now. But it is nottoo late and it is important and urgent now to prevent further damageby China's dictorial/repressive regime to harm and sabotage democraticinstitutions worldwide. Before long-lasting damage to democracyhappen, it is urgent now that, US, Canada take serious efforts toregain the strategic advantage to correct China towards democracyinstead of being changed by China into a compromised democracy.
United Front was developed from a war-time strategy by Mao and hiscommunist colleagues, and was recognized as one of the key strategythat made Mao beat the National Party (KuoMinTang) - even though KMTalready established legitimate parliament, constitution and modernuniversities. The United Front has been a powerful tool in appealingto and mobilizing large number of population to follow the communistpropagandas. Essentially, what China did over the last 30 years in USand other western countries is to treat the western democracy aswar-time adversary that need to mobilize tremendous men-power to fightagainst -and they almost succeeded in that.
US and other western democracies did not form a coherent andconsistent policy framework in incoroprating Chinese immigrants intoits larger vision to promote democracy in China and worldwide. Incomparison, China has undertaken an aggressive preemptive andcomprehensive propaganda campaigns, institutional manipulation andpersonnel training over the last 30 years to prevent overseas Chinesefrom pursuing democracy and to sabotage democratic movement.
After 1989, US along with other western countries strongly sanctionedChina over its Tiananmen massacre. That marked the highest point ofintervention by the west. The sanction gradually weakened. US replacedthat with annual human rights reports and human rights dialogues bythe State Department and report by CECC. Through years of sabotagework, China nearly completely destroyed the once popular overseasdemocracy movement, which was flourishing back in 1980s to early 1990.Over the years US and other western democracies , has weakened itssupport to overseas dissidents. Sadly, today, nearly majority of thewestern governments and corporations are willing to compromise theircore values on human rights in order to trade with China. While, theopen and direct threat of a strictly totalitarian communist countrylike USSR is easier to notice, it is necessary to recognize that acamouflaged dictatorial/communistic country like China pose a subtlerbut much more substantial and long lasting damage to democraticinstitutions in the west.
Over the years, China bought over, invested in, and corrupted multipletypes of overseas Chinese languages media. Today, nearly none Chineselanguage newspapers or media in US other than those run by Falungonghave any critical news about China or how China operates overseas.China infiltrated in community service centres, strategicallyestablished many business often acting as political agents, enlistednumerous students/business people to provide information. China alsoestablished hundreds of online community service websites (nearly inevery major North American town where Chinese immigrants concentrate.China used its numerous trade, commercial, scholarly connections forits ends of political and economic gains. Many were later to bediscovered as blatant agents for China, such as the ConfuciusInstitutes. How much budget China spent on United Front? How much onUS/ international spying? How much they invest in building upstudents, clubs, business associations and inviting foreign scholars?
While US/Canadian administration divide law enforcement, intelligencecollection, media, community effort, and international aid ondemocracy to each corresponding departments, the Chinese operation inUS/Canada knows no such boundaries. In fact, whenever possible, itgoes beyond manipulating, infiltrating overseas Chinese. Chinafrequently directly encroach and corrupt US/western politicians, thinktanks, decision-makers. China's operation shows no border nor anysegregated departments. China has been undertaking a pre-emptive waragainst democratic institutions. But US only takes action to right thewrongs if there are sufficient evidence to show that damage alreadyhappened -too late.
The damage caused by China's infiltration, espionage, sabotage againstwestern democracy and its fundamental social, economic, and politicalinfrastructures and institutions cannot be underestimated. Manyarticles have documented and elaborated the damage and loss (thoughwhat being discovered is still just tip of the iceberg). Over theyears enormous loss in areas of trade, labour, intellectual propertyetc to China -which can be largely attributed to the political failureto change China into a democratic, responsible, rule-of-law,transparent government that abide by current international laws andtreaties. China's foreign confrontations ever more daring, itssneaky use of Chinese politicians ever more blatant and higherprofile, and its stance towards western policies ever more arrogant,and its use of political tools and leverages ever more available.
In US, Canada and others, pro democracy dissidents were hardlysupported any more, and have been gradually marginalized and ignoredin policy discussions about China (this happened gradually over 20years, and causes are many). But I think, the failure to strategicallyengage dissidents in policies dealing with China and about Chineseimmigrants affairs made US loose strategic advantage over China.Perhaps US policy-makers thought promotion of democracy in China isjust doing benevolent charity work to help China change rather thanprotecting US own interest,therefore, the incentives were not veryhigh, and budget was fairly limited. However, in retrospect, we cansee that, promoting democracy in China, and getting Chineseimmigrants/overseas students involved in the democratization processwould have benefited US greatly. There could have been a much strongerchecking/monitoring force against how China functions in US land.Chinese dissidents would be much more alert about China's infiltrationand sabotage efforts, and more likely openly criticize China'scorruption and manipulation of US politicians, intellectuals andinstitutions. Chinese dissidents would much more readily embracelabour rights protection -fighting against China's exploitation ofpoor labour standards -threatening US labour forces. With many morewatchful eyes, there would not be as many spies hacking that threat UScore secrets. There would be much less political manipulation,corruption and encroachment into US institutions and politics. Anengaged Chinese pro-democracy immigrants community could have greatlyreduced the damage that China brought to US over the years.
It is ironical that US had to spend great deal of money and effort ininvestigating Chinese military, political and economic espionage-either cyber or physically. US did not have the strategic foresightto see that supporting Chinese dissidents and nurturing overseasChinese immigrants democracy initiatives would significantly detersuch activities. What is economically more efficient? Monitoring thehundreds of thousands of Chinese students/immigrants? Or, supportingthe democratic, transparent and check-and-balance effort by thedissidents/activists, help their capacity building, support prodemocracy media and thus enable them to play an active role to monitorCCP's sabotage/espionage work ? Digital researchers who investigatednumerous cyber hacking have discovered that the people who hackdissidents' computers are the same as those who steal US militarysecrets and corporation intellectual properties.
Unless US and the other western governments thoughtfully andsystematically change its approach in dealing with Chinese immigrants,neither China nor US can benefit from a more interdependentrelationship, that should be consistent with universal values of humanrights, and protected by international laws and treaties. The stake ishigh. US and the west needs to very carefully use its leverage ofchange. I think if done well and right, Chinese immigrants can bekey leverage that US can play to help transform China into democraticregime.
Second part, what's are the policy options that US can have in dealingwith United Front? policy recommendations
What is the possible policy counter-measure to China's aggressive"United Front" campaign? How to strategically, sunstainably and in along run to engage large number of immigrants to foster sendingcountries's change toward a democratic country?
It is most crucial that US, Canada and other liberal democracygovernments to know "United Front" is a war strategy and it is treatedas such. It is a softer war strategy, sneaky, with many forms ofdisguise, stretched over years even decades, and have many fronts andaccess points in many areas of social/ political life, corrupting anderoding and influencing all types of people (politicians,intellectuals, scholars, business people whoever). Nonetheless, unlessit is recognized as a war strategy - a long-term well-disguised waracross all aspects of society, it is not possible to sufficientlydevise counter strategies and to commit effective measures / manpowerto combat its negative influences. The tremendous loss alreadyhappened. In numerous ways, such a United Front (in combination withother strategies such as cyber war) is winning over democracy, it isnot too late to fight back, but unless it is duely recognized as aserious threat to democratic mechanisms and to the world peace, it isnot possible to come up with effective, sustainable solutions andcommit real forces to counter it.
How to influence China's emigrants is at the core of decision-makingfor the Communist Party. Currently, the chairperson of national UnitedFront Group is the President of China, Xi Jinping, who also ischairperson for the National Security Group. This shows clearly that,emigrants policy is on top of China's national security strategy(which is just another word for preventing democracy from happening inChina). Mao's strategy is called the "mass line", means using thepeople's power, which also means to make ordinary person part of thestate political apparatus. Why US is not paying attention to thecommunity level for the Chinese immigrants? How many Chinese prodemocracy NGO which works in US got supported by US? Only a tiny few.How many Chinese pro democracy newspapers, radio, TV or websites gotsupported by the US? Hardly any. In comparison, how many Chinesenewspapers, websites, TV, social networking societies in US aresponsored by the government of China? Numerous.
What I'm proposing is that US should have a complete review,reexamination of how it deal with the large number of Chineseimmigrants in its own land, seeing from both China's angle and USangle what could be lost and gained, and how and why those loss/gainshappened. What I'm hoping is that US have a more comprehensive andsystematic approach about how to deal with the Chinese immigrants,instead of continuing allow them to be hostile to US values and keeployal to the communist party back home, instead turn them into alliesof democracy. This approach would be better focused on communitylevel. Programs can be run to support capacity building for smallcivil society groups. These NGOSs could work on improvingparticipatory democracy for local immigrants' community, andmeanwhile, help develop democracy in China. As we can see from past 30years, China primarily focused its efforts on immigrants communitylevel where not much effort by US has touched upon. A great deal ofwork in many areas can be done. This would mean that, very wellcoordinated, cross-departmental policy packages are necessary.
We can account many strategic failures of US on supporting andengaging overseas Chinese activists and immigrants, these include: alack of long-term vision towards influencing Chinese immigrants'political loyalty; a lack of immigration and citizenship standardsconsistent with democratic and human rights values; lack of long-termstrategy in supporting pro democracy/human rights groups;lack ofmonitoring how Chinese media operates(whether they are independent andimpartial, or whether it has censorship or serve as propaganda); lackof understanding or support of overseas Chinese community development;lack public policy debate that make sense to the Chinese population(for example open debate about current Chinese politics and economy inChinese language and in Chinese speaking media); lack of pro democracypublic media venue in Chinese (youtube, TV, Chinese TV, website, BBS,community blog, and community engagement, ) ; lack ofchecking/monitoring to ensure that all Chinese community servicegroups should incorporate democractic value; failure to check thatChina's investment in academia, in business is consistent withdemocratic principle, and many more.
I will strongly advocate US, Canada and western governments activelyinvest in Chinese pro democracy groups and activities (either publicfunding or private funding), actively guide, monitor, check Chinesecommunities to help them to be rooted in democratic principles insteadof being blind loyal to a dictatorial regime back in China.
(博讯 boxun.com)(本文只代表作者或者发稿团体的观点、立场) 4112224