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侯文卓:我愿为维权律师和瑞典人彼得达林顶罪
(博讯北京时间2016年1月25日 首发 - 支持此文作者/记者)
    侯文卓更多文章请看侯文卓专栏

更正和澄清:锋锐和彼得达林无工作关系

侯文卓

我前文: “愿为维权律师和瑞典人彼得达林顶罪”曾提到我猜想彼得所在Chinese Urgent Action Working Group
(或 China Action)
或与锋锐,我猜想,可能有合作关系。刚得到彼得代言人的回复。锋锐和CUAWG(维权紧急关注组)没有关系。在此对于可能带来的误解深深地致歉,特别对锋锐律师所的律师们道歉。国内有很多人做维权。但是,彼此可能仅仅是在口头上和道义上的理解和支持,而工作关系上都是各干各的。彼得已经说了,同事仅仅有三人。

我前文已经说明,我在到加拿大一年后就和这些以前仁之泉的朋友们断了联系。因此,彼得和锋锐的关系,完全是我的猜想。彼得和王全璋是认识,交往过。但是在我离京之后他们是否依然交往合作,我完全不知情。

原文:“而在我定居加拿大一年多后因种种原因就基本停止了和他们的往来--当然错在我“

原文:”王全璋律师所在锋锐律师事务所,我猜想,大概也在和彼得等人的合作中如虎添翼,借助国际力量开展了大量的维权活动。这也许是这次当局极力打压迫害锋锐,并且最终下狠手抓捕彼得的缘故吧。这的确是对他们能力的肯定。”

有关中国当局不得扭曲我的文章原意,也不得以任何方式借用我的文章来作为打压迫害维权律师的依据。在此再次对锋锐律师致歉。

I here just want to clarify, as heard from people who worked with
CUAWG (Or China Action), that there is no working partnership between
Fengrui and CUAWG (or China Action). I here want to apologize for my
pure assumption and guess. My earlier article, which was published on
Boxun.com and appeared on 08charterBBS and hrcchina.org , has made it
clear that the partnership tween them was my “guess”.

Quote from the earlier article: “I guess that, not knowing the
details, through lawyer Wang's working partnership, the group was able
to partner with Fengrui law firm lawyers and many other lawyers. Such
a partnership of course is very valuable for human rights activism. ”
Also as I mentioned in my last article, after I settled down in
Ottawa, I had no contact with the group and the people involved with
CUAWG.

Chinese judiciary and the government should not use anything I wrote
as evidence against the rights defense lawyers for any charges or
punitive actions. I here particularly want to apologize to the Fengrui
lawyers.

    侯文卓/释文君

    我看到后15位维权律师遭正式逮捕和瑞典人权工作者彼得达林(PeterDahlin)遭抓捕的消息已经是在1月23日星期五事发几乎十多天之后了。可见我多么与世隔绝。过去几个月我是处于一种类似出家人的隐居状态。看到彼得在CCTV录制的道歉视频惊呆了,震惊心痛之余还有深深的内疚。事情发展到今天这种地步,我觉得我该公布下和彼得交往的经过。

    709之后的律师大抓捕后遭全封闭关押,过了半年后才公布逮捕,而且律师都不能见。期间有没有受到酷刑?而且,是什么样的刑罚让一个外国人不得不在央视上认罪道歉?CCTV搞文革式批斗现在也扩大到外国人身上了?

    彼得的身体一直都不太好。十分消瘦。他起初口嚼一种瑞典香烟片,到北京后改为抽纸烟,烟瘾很大。睡眠习惯几乎是昼夜颠倒。一年中几乎有三分之一的时间不是感冒就是患大大小小的病。但彼得是个很有智慧的人尤其是对法律,行政思辨力非常清晰。这样的身体状况在共产党的监狱里能抵挡什么?

    我在2003年底回国至2009年出国期间,在国内参与了各类人权活动。尤其是创办了仁之泉工作室,英文名是Empowerment andRights Institute。一次在国外开国际会议的时候看到各国充满热情和能量的人权义工,突发奇想,是否可以招聘外国义工到中国来做人权呢?2004年我简单地在Idealist.org这个专门为NGO提供服务的网站张贴了一份招聘义工广告。令人惊讶地收到了大量热情的回复。因为是做义工,大多数回复的人都是大学刚毕业的青年学生,世界各国的人都有,以美国人最多。从此我在北京石油大院里面的小小办公室就成了中外人士和访民经常聚集的场所了。彼得Peter也是最早回复这个义工帖子的人之一。因为义工的请求不少,所以我简单地提了几个人权的问题,类似于一个笔试,所有回复者中Peter的回复最为深思熟虑。2004年他才24岁。因为我向美国民主基金会申请的经费得到了批准,所以在2005年终于有了第一笔机构运作经费。我们主要关注的访民、农民和征地拆迁等冤案。仁之泉的建立和运作绝对不是外国人干预的结果。最早的参与者还包括牛玉昌(已亡故),赵岩等热衷于推动保障农民权益的人士。高智晟和郭飞雄都曾鼎力相助过。外国年轻志愿者都是抱着热情来的,是我们中国人主动邀请来的。结识王全璋律师也是在2005年前后。与王全璋律师第一次合作是他帮助到江苏赣榆做农民侵权问题的调查。仁之泉活跃的时间主要在2004年到2006年。好景不长很快受到打压。义工李玉海在2005年七月遭到十多天惨无人道的酷刑。同事赵昕2005年10月去旅游时受到野蛮殴打造成重伤。办公室和我个人都遭到多次强迫搬迁居无定所。幸好还有些外国义工。早期的义工有美国人Adam,Scott, Chris, Katy等人。Adam和Scott都遭到过短期关押并因此接受外媒采访。而Chris因为采访和报告高智晟律师发起的绝食活动,在离京时据说让武警用手枪指着头威吓,造成他之后长期心理伤害(trauma)。

    因在北京十分郁闷,我在2007年想要远离北京到藏族地区呆一段时间,后在青海果洛大武镇做了一年的慈善教育活动。因为仁之泉受到当局打压。有些外国义工已经离开了,还有一些也没有打算长期呆在中国。美国民主基金会的经费只给了一年在2006年就停了。连中国人的义工也有很多离开了。所以,我给彼得发了封信,问他能否到北京来做这里的负责人。他很高兴地在2007年春季到了北京。到了北京才发现是没有薪水的。不过他不像其他的外国志愿者那样是打算做一段时间义工就走人的,他是有远虑的。他细心观察了下,说要像维权网做的那么好,他说维权网至少做了三年才有了成绩。他希望为中国的人权组织寻找到长远的经费来源。

    因为山东的村民选举的活动搞得比较好,所以我们经常去山东。也因此结识了王全璋律师。王全璋那时也还没有30岁。全璋是个十分淳朴的山东汉子,做事总是替人着想,不温不火,是属于典型的儒家忠孝仁义为怀的人。我在2008年因参与人权圣火活动遭当局秘密关押18天。释放后东躲西藏。后因私情而怀孕。因为已经38岁了很想要孩子所以就联络出国,最终由朋友协助得以在加拿大渥太华大学教授中国人权课程,后在此地定居。出国之前和王全璋,还有彼得、麦克(MichaelCaster)以及其他几个义工商量,请他们延续人权工作。王全璋联络朋友在香港注册了一个机构。此时彼得和麦克给这个机构重新起了个名字,也征求我的意见,我说参照联合国人权工作组的说法,所以就叫做ChineseUrgent Action Working Group(维权紧急援助组),之后简称为China Action(中国行动)。

    在此提到上述缘起绝对不是要邀功。多年以来我对外从不谈彼得等这些友人的活动。而在我定居加拿大一年多后因种种原因就基本停止了和他们的往来--当然错在我(下文我专门用英文公开对他们道歉)。王全璋律师和彼得,还有现在对媒体发言的麦克以及其他义工在北京的工作十分出色,他们的坚韧、勇毅、担当和工作能力都远胜于我。他们在我离开中国后的确默默在背后推动了大量的维权工作。彼得做事十分认真。经常为写项目基金申请书通宵达旦工作。本来我请外国人来中国也是希望借助他们的力量,他也远超过胜任了这一职责。王全璋律师所在锋锐律师事务所,我猜想,大概也在和彼得等人的合作中如虎添翼,借助国际力量开展了大量的维权活动。这也许是这次当局极力打压迫害锋锐,并且最终下狠手抓捕彼得的缘故吧。这的确是对他们能力的肯定。我需要交代一下这件事情的缘起,是需要说明,CCTV一派胡言,彼得不是外国政府空降来中国搞颠覆的,是仁之泉邀请来的一位有理想真诚愿意帮助中国社会进步的青年,是中国真正需要的朋友。彼得还有如今仍在中国的麦克希望在中国做些实实在在的事情。而他们的存在,让当局对维权人士的迫害会有很多忌惮。麦克是个美国人。不知道当局是否也会对他下手。

    中国维权律师尤其是锋锐律师所最近几年的作为,披荆斩棘,胆识和勇毅令众多人惊叹。仁之泉本来的外国义工多数都走的走散的散。麦克也曾去阿拉伯国家工作了一段时间,而彼得则在中国九年多了。中共当然从他们一落地就盯上了。彼得择善固执,让一个小人权组织涅磐重生,令当局极为嫉恨但一直畏于国际关系没有下手。而律师群体则迫切需要国际的声援-这两种正义力量的合流让他们的影响力非常大。中共当年靠拿的是苏维埃的钱才得以壮大造成屠戮无数中国人之恶果。而且中共今日也在国际上四处撒钱支援苏丹朝鲜等流氓政府。中共搞的才真是在世界范围内搞颠覆,致使柬埔寨波尔布特屠杀本国人民四分之一多。而像彼得、麦克这样几个外国青年凭着一腔热情自愿来到中国协助维权律师做弱势群体、访民、农民、披露中国人权状况竟然颠覆政府了吗?如此纸糊的政府颠覆了也罢。

    他们倘若有罪的话,那么我也有罪。我是否也该上央视认罪呢?我真的很想能替他们顶罪。王全璋的孩子还那么小。看他的妻子还有李和平的妻子以及其他维权律师的亲属们焦急期盼,谁能忍心?我每天都祈祷,我从内心里希望把他们的痛苦来让我承担吧。

    外国人是否该来中国做人权义工承担风险呢?在2008年我被捕之前,我们所有人都把自己的亲属的联络方式给了朋友们。彼得也早有对风险的预料的。可惜的是邀请国际志愿者加入中国人权事业的不是太多了,是太少了。因为抓捕一个彼得所引发的新闻震动远超过中国众多人权案例。如今国内的情况如此惨淡,希望更多的人动脑筋邀请国际志愿者前来,因为热情的国际青年大有人在。中共抓了彼得之后也许让维权人士少了些经费援助但只是让国内人权得到了更多的关注和增长的机会。有识之士或许可以逆势寻求突破。

    从我个人而言。我向国内国外任何从事人权民运维权的人士致敬,没有抗争就没有民主。也同时向国内日益受到迫害的基督教徒致敬。因为基督教为中国人开启了更多追求正义、自由的路径,是遭到迫害者的真实福音。我个人在长期思考后选择了佛教。当然我不可能不顾我六岁的儿子去中国自首认罪,也认为我能做到的抗争效果有限。但我作为佛教徒也相信有援救维权律师的办法。佛教认为,个人业债和国家共业是许多灾祸的源头。希望被捕人士的家人也愿意尝试我的办法。为祈祷上述被捕人士、维权律师、我认识和不认识的人权卫士,民运人士早日平安,我在此发愿:

    余生吃素(除非迫不得已例外),

    一年内停止任何性事,

    抄写7部僧伽吒经,

    49日持诵宝箧qie经和21遍宝箧印陀罗尼,

    跪诵49部观世音普门品,

    跪诵21部地藏经,

    做乳粥施食和面粥三器施食21天。

    一直持诵楞严咒、和准提咒,

    平时坚持学净土念佛号且去佛寺,

    布施三宝,捐款慈善等。

    上述所有功德都回向给上述被捕人士,且回向他们的冤亲债主,希望任何怨结都能化解,他们早日平安自由和家人团圆。

    我自己的修行我本无意公布,但只是真诚希望特别渴望为亲友解除苦难的人能愿意尝试这些办法。我个人的愿力、修为和援救力量可能不够。但倘若每个家庭和朋友都为他们虔诚地做佛事祈祷,情况就会大不同了。印光法师说“至诚感通”,意即心诚则灵。即使你是基督徒或其他信徒也可以做。佛教不是宗教不是哲学是真实济世之法,是佛陀教育,不与其它信仰冲突。你如果不了解出于好奇搜索一下我上述方法的“感应”故事,你就会知道我所推荐的办法绝不是没有众多事例依据的。今日欧美甚至世界范围内越来越多的人信仰佛教。其实,上述我所列的方式只要其中任何一种虔诚地坚持做都会有效,我列出多种方式供参考。家人亲友心连心的人做一定会感得至诚的效果。

    另外补充些题外话。我在经历过人权抗争,学习过各种宗教和社会学哲学后,目前认为佛教才提供了人生的最终答案。有不少人对于佛教可能不以为然。我仅举自己的例子来说明。同时也发露忏悔我的罪错。我在20多岁和30多岁时曾四次堕胎。当时只觉得是自己风流韵事而且都是怀孕一个月一发现马上就堕胎了。学佛之后才知道堕胎是和杀父杀母一样的五逆重罪。我学佛之后想知道婴灵是否得到超度了恳求梦中能得到启示。我没得到,但我六岁的儿子得到了梦的启示。一天他梦到一个比他大的中国男孩打他。早上起来鼻子就流血了。而且之后一直告诉我肚子疼,有时头昏,有时肩膀膝盖疼,一个多月了还没有好,我十分忧虑。如果有人好奇也不妨搜索一下有关堕胎的报应的真实故事。我现在借助此文真诚发露忏悔。希望婴灵们知道我因愚痴和谬见而造成大错。我也希望所有报应由我来承担吧。不要报应在我儿子的身上。我相信现在对佛教抱着尊重态度的人还是很多的。但如果有人想骂我,贬损我,说什么难听的我都会十分感恩。但请不要诋毁谤佛。谤佛的罪业很大。你可以随便搜索下试试看-就算你不怕来世报应,还不怕今世报应吗?

    目前很难联系到我。可以尝试如下的邮箱和电话。如果联络不通,说明受到干扰。可以继续尝试。

    Phone: (+1)6136017219 Email: [email protected] The above twocontacts are very heavily spied upon and hacked by you know who -so,sometimes it is very hard to reach me.上述电话和邮件经常受到有关部门骚扰也许难以找到我。也可以试试下面的。

    Alternatively, you can reach my friend Gerry: phone 6133144291. email:[email protected] Even his phones and emails may not work.

    My Open Apology to Peter Dahlin, Wang Quanzhang, Michael Caster

    (from EARI, Wenzhuo Hou, Maggie)

    I was shocked to learn that Peter Dahlin was arrested and forced toapologize 。 on CCTV. I know Peter has long had health problems. Icould not imagine what type of pressure was put on him to force him toapologize. I believe such type of humiliation and mental torture didnot bring shame to Peter and the organization that he works, rather,it only further proves to the world how shameless the Chinesegovernment is and how utterly lawless the situation in China hasbecome.

    CCTV has blamed Peter and the organization as foreign forces “planted”to sabotage China's state power. Here I would like to explain howPeter got involved in the human rights activities in China (there aremore details in the above Chinese version). Also, I here want toopenly apologize to Peter Dahlin, Wang Quanzhang and Michael Caster.In the extremely harsh situation and increasingly risky scenario, theyhave persevered to do the courageous human rights activities, and Ihere, belatedly, offer my most sincere respect and tribute.

    I started a human rights initiative back in 2004, called “Empowermentand Rights Institute”. Seeing how much the energy and warmth of youngpeople can bring to the human rights movement in various countries, Ithought of inviting foreign volunteers to China. I posted someadvertisement to look for volunteers on Idealist.org. There were acouple of dozens of enthusiastic replies. Pretty soon, I had quite afew volunteers working with me in Beijing. EARI got supportinitiatially from National Endowment for Democracy, which only lastedone year in 2005. The earlier volunteers we had include Adam, Scott,Chris, Katy etc. Peter Dahlin was among the first ones who wrote to meand replied very thoughtfully about my questions, but he did not cometo Beijing until 2007.

    EARI was mostly active between 2004 and 2006. There were tremendouspressure on us. Our member Li Yuhai was kidnapped by the police andsuffered from horrible torture for 17 days. Another member Zhao Xinwas attacked in October, 2005. Our office was raided and I was evictedmany times by landlords pressured by police. In 2007, I wrote andinvited Peter Dahlin to take responsibility, and I personally want toleave to Tibet where I worked on a charitable educational project forlocal street kids in Dawu, Golog. Peter came to Beijing in 2007.Michael Caster also joined the group later. There was no payment forany foreign volunteers and they had to look for various jobs tosurvive such as teaching English in Beijing. Lawyer Wang Quanzhanglater was involved in the group, particularly thanks to his knowledgeof law, experience in rural land rights, and dedication to the humanrights causes.

    In 2008, I was arrested and secretly held in an unknown location byChinese police for being involved in the “human rights torch”initiative, released after 18 days. A few months later I becamepregnant and decided it is time to leave China. Before I left Chinaand eventually settled down in Ottawa, Canada (where I taught HumanRights and Political Conflict in China at Ottawa University for oneyear), I discussed many times with Peter, Michael, and Wang Quanzhanghow to carry on the human rights activities. Before I left, we havechosen to rename the group as “Chinese Urgent Action Working Group”,later called “China Action”. Through lawyer Wang Quanzhang, the groupwas registered in Hong Kong.

    I have not been very much involved after I settled down in Ottawa. Iwant to apologize to the three people above and any other people whoare concerned here. It was primarily my arrogance and egoisticthinking that become a barrier for communication. I was a singlemother with a new born baby. Even in Ottawa, increasingly I noticedintensive spying on both my online, telephone activities, and evenspying and intrusion into my home and personal sphere. Still, allthose could not excuse myself from not helping out. As there were,even though limitedly, I could do something to support the people inBeijing. Lawyer Wang Quanzhang become a lawyer at the Fengrui lawfirm, which was the primary target of mass arrest of lawyers in July2015.

    Lawyer Wang, Peter and also Michael persevered and their work has beengreatly successful despite all the odds, risks and extremely difficultpolitical environment. In fact lawyer Wang Quanzhang had anticipatedhis arrest and wrote a letter to his parents ahead of time to beannounced to them after he was arrested. I believe Peter also knewwell the risks of working human rights in China. Peter has an amazingdedication and stubbornness to do what is right. Michael alsopersisted with the group wholeheartedly. I guess that, not knowing thedetails, through lawyer Wang's working partnership, the group was ableto partner with Fengrui law firm lawyers and many other lawyers. Sucha partnership of course is very valuable for human rights activism.The growing social dissent and increasing demand for protection ofhuman rights among other legal rights have attracted ever more lawyersto become rights defence lawyers.

    If Wang Quanzhang, Peter were guilty, of course I would be guilty too.The only thing I regret now is that I did not help more. I regret thatI have not tried hard to overcome my communication barrier. I regretthat I have not seen more clearly how arrogant and self absorbed I hadbecome. I regret that I did not give them more support when thepolitical atmosphere still has a bit room to do so. Seeing thesuffering of my friends makes my heart bleed.

    Currently my involvement in human rights activism is limited. Also, ithas happened to me, particularly even more severely than before, lastseveral months, that my phone, email and other communications weresabotaged and even blocked. Even though I'm in Canada, I could noteven receive phone calls or got emails from certain people or check mytwitter or facebook accounts. Having become a more devout Buddhist, Ibelieve Buddhism gives hope to the future. I pray everyday throughBuddhism means for the freedom and peace of my friends, for all thehuman rights lawyers, all the dissidents in China. I believe, with myBuddhistic practices (explained in Chinese in details) will be amongthe benevolent power that can help my friends gain back their freedomand help China become a better place.

    My contact information:

    Phone: (+1)6136017219 Email: [email protected] The above twocontacts are very heavily spied upon and hacked by you know who -so,sometimes it is very hard to reach me.上述电话和邮件经常受到有关部门骚扰也许难以找到我。也可以试试下面的。

    Alternatively, you can reach my friend Gerry: phone 6133144291. email:[email protected] Even his phones and emails may not work.

    The following I choose to open to the public two documents that Idrafted. Everything I wrote, or discussed with anyone is completelyaccessed or hacked upon by the various Chinese spies around me.Several times, they even entered my home. Since the Chinese governmentknow everything about me but not people who share my values, here, Ithink to be fair, I choose to show to the public about what I thinkand did. I did not get any reply about these two documents aftersending to the relevant centres.

    Title: Mission Guardian Fleet: strategically targeted,well-coordinated, IT supported and multi-location Intervention Centresact as effective and powerful agents of change for China's turbulentpolitical transition

    Last couple of years we see a large number of activists, lawyers,journalists and netizens imprisoned in China, this proposal offers apractical plan of action to alter the trend of the government masspersecution and to reduce the human sacrifice in China's politicaltransition, and to regain the space for civil society, and to help therights defence movement be sustainable. To achieve this, we think itis high time we make systematic and structured use of theenthusiastic, dedicated but often underestimated overseas activists.This SOI suggests we establish four overseas intervention centres.Instead of earlier dissidents' effort focus on foreign policy, thesecentres would actively plan and carry out strategically targeteddirect interventions in significant regions/locations and in varioussocial political, legal areas of broad concern.

    Teams in these intervention centres are capable to carry out quick,concerted advocacy campaigns across countries, thus help rescue localleaders and HRDs. They will carry out direct dialogue, and pressureauthorities to prevent them from power abuse. They will directlyengage thousands of activists, citizens, authorities, andpolicy-makers, and quickly respond to issues of great public concern.Naturally they will always work with local partners, and significantlyreduce dangers of local partners. They will complement and sustain theefforts of local activists, also complement existing foreign NGOswhose focus is on foreign /international policy.

    Objectives

    While local activists act like ground troops, a targeted wellcoordinated overseas intervention mission is like air force. Whilelocal activism has been greatly outpowered by recently unprecedentedcracking-down, our objective is to have the precision, the grand viewof air force along with sustainable and tailored campaigns. Throughestablishing teams capable to carry out long term, persistent, wellstructured, effective, large scale intervention coordinated byexpertised expatriates, we would have powerful enabling force to helplocal activism to carry on and prevent government further destructionof civil society or intrusion into people's rights.

    We will focus efforts on these areas: crisis intervention, includingmass human rights violations, large scale disasters when people demandgovernmental accountability; large scale public concerned events, whenpeople take collective actions; and when major policy/laws affectingpublic interest can be challenged.

    Activities

    A. Establish four intervention centres (or international advocacy base)

    They will be in New York, California, Ottawa and Vancouver. Each onewill have IT support, in total about 70 people including some fulltime, part time staff and many volunteers.

    These intervention centres has following characteristics: 1) likecommercial Call Centres which offer tailored and precise targetedmessage and affect audience directly; 2) immediate quick action teamto stop violations, rescue HRDs and grassroots leaders; to addressissues of mass public concerns; 3) highly coordinated collectiveaction 4) can almost act like domestic NGOs other than meeting face toface 5) public policy discussion and engagement : our professional andlegal team will work on legal/policy docs; 6) versatile, have bothbird view and in-depth close view; help ensure continuation andsustainability of activism; 7) can act in any location in China.

    B. Training, brainstorm, planning and coordination (strategic and technical)

    A group preparatory training and strategy discussion meeting isnecessary at the beginning, maybe 2-4 weeks. Participants will carryout in-depth discussion to figure out thematic, geographical areas offocus and best strategies. Other orgs, like Frontline defenders,CHRDnet, HRIC, HRW and communication experts will be invited to givetraining. IT support team will be invited to guide the team on secureand reliable means of multi-location coordination.

    C. Direct action: intervention, prevention, engagement & education(dialogue and communication); legal and policy papers;

    Thematic areas: the expertised activists will divide their leadershiproles in the following areas and establish working agendas as thesituation demands: rule of law and rescue of human rights defenders ;Christianity and advocacy for persecuted Christians ; children andwomen rights, WHRD ; freedom of expression and media ; publicparticipation and election ; labour rights ; land, housing,petitioners . This list is adjustable.

    Team members will use all means of communications to convey ourmessage. Each week, the thematic/geographic leaders will post severalcases for to focus on. For this purpose, database (see below) will beset up simultaneously. We estimate the group as a whole each monthwill have over 1500 direct phone calls, 2000 direct informationsharing, even more social media interactions, hundreds of directcommunications with authorities and police. Each month the group as awhole would have intervened in dozens of cases.

    D. Databases and cloud to enable precise, focused and long-termengagement: We will partner or contract with IT companies to havedatabases set up including: databases of activists, HRDs, lawyers,NGOs and other crucial agents of change for China; databases of lawenforcement officials, policymakers and government decision-makers;databases of population, events and localities which are of strategicvalue. They will include contact info like phone, WeChat, QQ, skype,fax etc. These databases will add precision and focus for ourintervention campaigns.

    E. Recording, sharing through social media, encouraging publicdiscussions on policy and reporting: The direct engagement withactivists, citizens, authorities and policymakers will be selectivelyrecorded and published (with caution). Frequent reviews,recommendations, bad and good practices will be discussed in order toimprove.

    Results

    We anticipate that through such a well planned and coordinatedmulti-location intervention centres model, through hundreds ofthousands of direct exchanges with concerned parties and governmentalagencies, we will greatly reduce and limit the impact of mass humanrights arrest, offer quick immediate effective rescue to hundreds orthousands of HRDs/WHRDs, also the regular communication with lawenforcement authorities would bring behaviour and policy changes, holdauthorities accountable for their words/actions, and will have adatabase and cloud that will be beneficial for long term use. Lessonslearned and experiences will be shared to improve future practices.After several years of functioning, we anticipate these interventioncentres will have long lasting impact on China's change.

    Project Title:

    What US and western governments could and should do to counter China'ssystematic anti-democracy strategies (aka: United Front)particularly among overseas Chinese? Why supporting the overseasChinese pro democracy groups strategically and systematically wouldgreatly benefit both US and China? and How?

    Project

    My research argues (through studying past 30 years of history), thatChinese immigrants from PRC are the key leverage/agents of change.China recognized that, and manipulated them through "United Front" tomake them loyal and obedient to the repressive regime while, US andother western countries did not fully recognize that and did not comeup with serious strategical efforts to counter China's aggressive"United Front" campaigns, as a result, fall short of strategies andresources to help China transform to a democratic country. I willexamine how China used its United Front and where US failed and I willidentify and offer practical policy recommendations about how tochange the situation.

    The Chinese immigrants who live in US are physically in US, but theirmind still dominated by the communist party. What if they choose tosupport democracy? Why haven't they? How China's overseas policy, suchas "United Front" affected the lack of Chinese emigrants' involvementin China's democratic transition? I hope to compare policies of US(and other countries) towards Chinese immigrants versus China'spolitical weapons of controlling, manipulating, manoeuvring overseasChinese population, eg "United Front". How and why Chinese activistsare marginalized and ignored in mainstream American policies towardChina -why such an approach has made US leverage against Chinareduced? What US did or not that make Chinese immigrants loyal to arepressive communistic regime? Other than efforts to build up civilsociety in China, what other policy cards US can play to help Chinamoving closer to democracy?

    Diaspora and emigrants has often contributed to the transition todemocracy for some countries, for example, in some East Europeanstates, like Romania, Czech, also Asian countries, like Philipine andTaiwan. The emigrants' contribution towards democratization and thelack of it is a very complex process. Historically, US has had pastsuccess in planting seeds of democracy and successfully helped changethe political regime of China in Qing dynasty. Dr Sun Yat-Sen, aChristian grown up in US, played a leading role in Xinhai revolutionin 1911 in changing China towards a more democratic country. He wasthe key founding father of Republic of China, which had functioningparliament, freedom of expression and modern universities till theJapanese invasion.

    First part: China's United Front and the lack of US counter-measures;How China stifled overseas Chinese pursuit and understanding ofdemocracy?

    Comparing the moves of Chinese governments vs US/Canadian governmentsmove, regrettably, I would say, US and Canada made many strategicerrors that emboldened Chinese governments to grow stronger, morepowerful and a much harder adversary to deal with now. But it is nottoo late and it is important and urgent now to prevent further damageby China's dictorial/repressive regime to harm and sabotage democraticinstitutions worldwide. Before long-lasting damage to democracyhappen, it is urgent now that, US, Canada take serious efforts toregain the strategic advantage to correct China towards democracyinstead of being changed by China into a compromised democracy.

    United Front was developed from a war-time strategy by Mao and hiscommunist colleagues, and was recognized as one of the key strategythat made Mao beat the National Party (KuoMinTang) - even though KMTalready established legitimate parliament, constitution and modernuniversities. The United Front has been a powerful tool in appealingto and mobilizing large number of population to follow the communistpropagandas. Essentially, what China did over the last 30 years in USand other western countries is to treat the western democracy aswar-time adversary that need to mobilize tremendous men-power to fightagainst -and they almost succeeded in that.

    US and other western democracies did not form a coherent andconsistent policy framework in incoroprating Chinese immigrants intoits larger vision to promote democracy in China and worldwide. Incomparison, China has undertaken an aggressive preemptive andcomprehensive propaganda campaigns, institutional manipulation andpersonnel training over the last 30 years to prevent overseas Chinesefrom pursuing democracy and to sabotage democratic movement.

    After 1989, US along with other western countries strongly sanctionedChina over its Tiananmen massacre. That marked the highest point ofintervention by the west. The sanction gradually weakened. US replacedthat with annual human rights reports and human rights dialogues bythe State Department and report by CECC. Through years of sabotagework, China nearly completely destroyed the once popular overseasdemocracy movement, which was flourishing back in 1980s to early 1990.Over the years US and other western democracies , has weakened itssupport to overseas dissidents. Sadly, today, nearly majority of thewestern governments and corporations are willing to compromise theircore values on human rights in order to trade with China. While, theopen and direct threat of a strictly totalitarian communist countrylike USSR is easier to notice, it is necessary to recognize that acamouflaged dictatorial/communistic country like China pose a subtlerbut much more substantial and long lasting damage to democraticinstitutions in the west.

    Over the years, China bought over, invested in, and corrupted multipletypes of overseas Chinese languages media. Today, nearly none Chineselanguage newspapers or media in US other than those run by Falungonghave any critical news about China or how China operates overseas.China infiltrated in community service centres, strategicallyestablished many business often acting as political agents, enlistednumerous students/business people to provide information. China alsoestablished hundreds of online community service websites (nearly inevery major North American town where Chinese immigrants concentrate.China used its numerous trade, commercial, scholarly connections forits ends of political and economic gains. Many were later to bediscovered as blatant agents for China, such as the ConfuciusInstitutes. How much budget China spent on United Front? How much onUS/ international spying? How much they invest in building upstudents, clubs, business associations and inviting foreign scholars?

    While US/Canadian administration divide law enforcement, intelligencecollection, media, community effort, and international aid ondemocracy to each corresponding departments, the Chinese operation inUS/Canada knows no such boundaries. In fact, whenever possible, itgoes beyond manipulating, infiltrating overseas Chinese. Chinafrequently directly encroach and corrupt US/western politicians, thinktanks, decision-makers. China's operation shows no border nor anysegregated departments. China has been undertaking a pre-emptive waragainst democratic institutions. But US only takes action to right thewrongs if there are sufficient evidence to show that damage alreadyhappened -too late.

    The damage caused by China's infiltration, espionage, sabotage againstwestern democracy and its fundamental social, economic, and politicalinfrastructures and institutions cannot be underestimated. Manyarticles have documented and elaborated the damage and loss (thoughwhat being discovered is still just tip of the iceberg). Over theyears enormous loss in areas of trade, labour, intellectual propertyetc to China -which can be largely attributed to the political failureto change China into a democratic, responsible, rule-of-law,transparent government that abide by current international laws andtreaties. China's foreign confrontations ever more daring, itssneaky use of Chinese politicians ever more blatant and higherprofile, and its stance towards western policies ever more arrogant,and its use of political tools and leverages ever more available.

    In US, Canada and others, pro democracy dissidents were hardlysupported any more, and have been gradually marginalized and ignoredin policy discussions about China (this happened gradually over 20years, and causes are many). But I think, the failure to strategicallyengage dissidents in policies dealing with China and about Chineseimmigrants affairs made US loose strategic advantage over China.Perhaps US policy-makers thought promotion of democracy in China isjust doing benevolent charity work to help China change rather thanprotecting US own interest,therefore, the incentives were not veryhigh, and budget was fairly limited. However, in retrospect, we cansee that, promoting democracy in China, and getting Chineseimmigrants/overseas students involved in the democratization processwould have benefited US greatly. There could have been a much strongerchecking/monitoring force against how China functions in US land.Chinese dissidents would be much more alert about China's infiltrationand sabotage efforts, and more likely openly criticize China'scorruption and manipulation of US politicians, intellectuals andinstitutions. Chinese dissidents would much more readily embracelabour rights protection -fighting against China's exploitation ofpoor labour standards -threatening US labour forces. With many morewatchful eyes, there would not be as many spies hacking that threat UScore secrets. There would be much less political manipulation,corruption and encroachment into US institutions and politics. Anengaged Chinese pro-democracy immigrants community could have greatlyreduced the damage that China brought to US over the years.

    It is ironical that US had to spend great deal of money and effort ininvestigating Chinese military, political and economic espionage-either cyber or physically. US did not have the strategic foresightto see that supporting Chinese dissidents and nurturing overseasChinese immigrants democracy initiatives would significantly detersuch activities. What is economically more efficient? Monitoring thehundreds of thousands of Chinese students/immigrants? Or, supportingthe democratic, transparent and check-and-balance effort by thedissidents/activists, help their capacity building, support prodemocracy media and thus enable them to play an active role to monitorCCP's sabotage/espionage work ? Digital researchers who investigatednumerous cyber hacking have discovered that the people who hackdissidents' computers are the same as those who steal US militarysecrets and corporation intellectual properties.

    Unless US and the other western governments thoughtfully andsystematically change its approach in dealing with Chinese immigrants,neither China nor US can benefit from a more interdependentrelationship, that should be consistent with universal values of humanrights, and protected by international laws and treaties. The stake ishigh. US and the west needs to very carefully use its leverage ofchange. I think if done well and right, Chinese immigrants can bekey leverage that US can play to help transform China into democraticregime.

    Second part, what's are the policy options that US can have in dealingwith United Front? policy recommendations

    What is the possible policy counter-measure to China's aggressive"United Front" campaign? How to strategically, sunstainably and in along run to engage large number of immigrants to foster sendingcountries's change toward a democratic country?

    It is most crucial that US, Canada and other liberal democracygovernments to know "United Front" is a war strategy and it is treatedas such. It is a softer war strategy, sneaky, with many forms ofdisguise, stretched over years even decades, and have many fronts andaccess points in many areas of social/ political life, corrupting anderoding and influencing all types of people (politicians,intellectuals, scholars, business people whoever). Nonetheless, unlessit is recognized as a war strategy - a long-term well-disguised waracross all aspects of society, it is not possible to sufficientlydevise counter strategies and to commit effective measures / manpowerto combat its negative influences. The tremendous loss alreadyhappened. In numerous ways, such a United Front (in combination withother strategies such as cyber war) is winning over democracy, it isnot too late to fight back, but unless it is duely recognized as aserious threat to democratic mechanisms and to the world peace, it isnot possible to come up with effective, sustainable solutions andcommit real forces to counter it.

    How to influence China's emigrants is at the core of decision-makingfor the Communist Party. Currently, the chairperson of national UnitedFront Group is the President of China, Xi Jinping, who also ischairperson for the National Security Group. This shows clearly that,emigrants policy is on top of China's national security strategy(which is just another word for preventing democracy from happening inChina). Mao's strategy is called the "mass line", means using thepeople's power, which also means to make ordinary person part of thestate political apparatus. Why US is not paying attention to thecommunity level for the Chinese immigrants? How many Chinese prodemocracy NGO which works in US got supported by US? Only a tiny few.How many Chinese pro democracy newspapers, radio, TV or websites gotsupported by the US? Hardly any. In comparison, how many Chinesenewspapers, websites, TV, social networking societies in US aresponsored by the government of China? Numerous.

    What I'm proposing is that US should have a complete review,reexamination of how it deal with the large number of Chineseimmigrants in its own land, seeing from both China's angle and USangle what could be lost and gained, and how and why those loss/gainshappened. What I'm hoping is that US have a more comprehensive andsystematic approach about how to deal with the Chinese immigrants,instead of continuing allow them to be hostile to US values and keeployal to the communist party back home, instead turn them into alliesof democracy. This approach would be better focused on communitylevel. Programs can be run to support capacity building for smallcivil society groups. These NGOSs could work on improvingparticipatory democracy for local immigrants' community, andmeanwhile, help develop democracy in China. As we can see from past 30years, China primarily focused its efforts on immigrants communitylevel where not much effort by US has touched upon. A great deal ofwork in many areas can be done. This would mean that, very wellcoordinated, cross-departmental policy packages are necessary.

    We can account many strategic failures of US on supporting andengaging overseas Chinese activists and immigrants, these include: alack of long-term vision towards influencing Chinese immigrants'political loyalty; a lack of immigration and citizenship standardsconsistent with democratic and human rights values; lack of long-termstrategy in supporting pro democracy/human rights groups;lack ofmonitoring how Chinese media operates(whether they are independent andimpartial, or whether it has censorship or serve as propaganda); lackof understanding or support of overseas Chinese community development;lack public policy debate that make sense to the Chinese population(for example open debate about current Chinese politics and economy inChinese language and in Chinese speaking media); lack of pro democracypublic media venue in Chinese (youtube, TV, Chinese TV, website, BBS,community blog, and community engagement, ) ; lack ofchecking/monitoring to ensure that all Chinese community servicegroups should incorporate democractic value; failure to check thatChina's investment in academia, in business is consistent withdemocratic principle, and many more.

    I will strongly advocate US, Canada and western governments activelyinvest in Chinese pro democracy groups and activities (either publicfunding or private funding), actively guide, monitor, check Chinesecommunities to help them to be rooted in democratic principles insteadof being blind loyal to a dictatorial regime back in China.

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